By Dessalines Ferdinand
Any Haitian with reasoning capacity who has been following politics in the motherland can predict that the upcoming change of government does not guarantee a better future for the people in Haiti. This assertion is grounded in historical precedent. Haiti has been embroiled in turmoil for years. Since declaring its independence from France in 1804, more than fifteen coups d’état have taken place, and at least five presidents have been assassinated in the history of the First Black Republic.
It seems that power in Haiti is inherently corrupting. Once in power, the president and his acolytes become addicted, often playing dirty political games to maintain their grip on power indefinitely or to pass it to one of their allies. Their primary motivations revolve around self-enrichment and ensuring immunity from prosecution for their crimes, such as political assassinations and embezzlement of public funds.
Recent history offers ample examples of this phenomenon. Figures like François Duvalier, Jean Bertrand Aristide, and Michel Martelly all sought to prolong their stay in power, despite lacking demonstrable leadership capacity or moral character. Late President Jovenel Moise, for instance, fought vigorously to cling to power until February 2022, perhaps at the cost of his own life, without accomplishing significant positive changes during his tenure.
Prime Minister Ariel Henry, who assumed office without being elected, serves as a glaring example of the addiction to power prevalent among Haitian politicians. His forced resignation, prompted by international pressure, marks a humiliating chapter in his political career. At the age of 74, Henry who has been immersed in Haiti’s political landscape for over four decades, yet he, like many other Haitian politicians, seems to have failed to learn a crucial lesson: history demonstrates that leaders who become liabilities for the US government are swiftly disposed of.
Currently, Prime Minister Henry and his administration are compelled to resign. While this development is welcomed as positive news by many Haitians, it’s essential to consider Haiti’s political history. Experience suggests that this sense of relief may be short-lived, as more challenges are likely to emerge in the near future.
Corruption deeply infects Haitian society, reaching from the highest echelons of political power to law enforcement and beyond. This widespread corruption obstructs any attempts to implement significant reforms, as those in positions of authority frequently prioritize their own enrichment over the welfare of the populace. Simply replacing the head of state fails to confront the ingrained nature of corruption that pervades Haitian society.
The majority of individuals involved in Haitian politics lack the moral integrity and leadership qualities essential for effective governance. Rather than prioritizing the welfare of the people, they strive to cling to power by aligning with the interests of international stakeholders and enriching themselves and their associates. Without a fundamental transformation in the values and priorities of those in authority, simply replacing the head of state will not yield meaningful change.
Traditionally in Haiti, members of the opposition who vigorously seek to overthrow those in power often fail to offer viable alternatives, engaging instead in a cycle of “out with the old, in with the new” that perpetuates the status quo. This reflects the principle of “Ote-toi de là, que je m’y mette” (Get out of the way, so I can take your place), which characterizes many political shifts and even revolutions in the country’s history.
I don’t intend to be cynical regarding social and political change in Haiti; rather, I am a fervent advocate for those striving to shape a brighter future. However, unless the proponents of progress outnumber the opportunists and power-seekers whose sole aim is to replace existing authority figures, political transformations are likely to be limited to mere replication of outdated regimes. In Haiti’s current situation, it’s conceivable that we’ve merely exchanged one form of poor governance for another under the guise of “change.” This pattern has repeated throughout our history on numerous occasions.
Haitian politicians’ lack of belief in the country’s future is evident in their actions, such as sending their children abroad for education and investing in foreign properties, exacerbating the cycle of underdevelopment.
Another reason why I am not overly optimistic about the recent change of government in Haiti is the difficulty in finding members of the new administration who have not been implicated in past misconduct. This underscores the pervasive corruption within the political class and erodes trust in the government, hindering efforts to implement meaningful reforms.
The interconnectedness among influential politicians, law enforcement authorities, and criminal groups presents a significant challenge for any transitional government aiming to address security issues. Even if gang members are apprehended, the corrupt judicial system diminishes the likelihood of them receiving suitable punishment, perpetuating a climate of lawlessness and disorder.
Haiti’s historical dependence on the international community to address its challenges signifies a more profound issue of inadequate domestic solutions and leadership. Without a transition towards self-reliance and accountability, Haiti will remain reliant on external assistance, failing to tackle the underlying causes of its issues.
While security remains a top priority, Haiti confronts a multitude of other challenges, encompassing corruption, insufficient infrastructure, educational shortcomings, lack of civic participation, unreliable electricity, and food insecurity. Effectively addressing these issues demands comprehensive and enduring endeavors that surpass mere changes in leadership.
A shift in both mentality and governance is imperative. The entrenched mindset of prioritizing personal gain at the expense of collective well-being, coupled with the tendency to undermine the terms of elected leaders, only compounds Haiti’s chaotic state. Achieving tangible progress necessitates a change in mindset towards fostering collaboration, embracing compromise, and upholding democratic principles.
From my perspective, altering Haiti’s head of state may be a crucial initial action, but it alone cannot sufficiently tackle the entrenched issues fueling chaos and instability in the nation. Meaningful transformation demands extensive reforms, a reevaluation of values and priorities, and a dedication to accountability, both domestically and internationally.
Dessalines Ferdinand
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